Extract
from Victor Sloan: Walls catalogue published by the Orchard
Gallery, Derry, October 1989.
Victor Sloan:
Walls
Cup Winners
Anniversaries are
not about the past, they are about the present. They are events
which establish, affirm and, at times, re-order contemporary social
relationships through the manipulation of the discourse of history.
Anniversaries are dependant upon this discourse but they are
different from it. They may be used as a pretext for the re-writing
and re-ordering of history, but the difference lies in the attempt
to break out of the social limitations of that discourse. The
traditional, linear, mechanisms of history, the text and the
tutorial are enhanced and displaced by the advent of the television
documentary, the exhibition, the march and the parade. On the one
level, the narrow field created by an anniversary enables certain
elements of the historical discourse to become more commonly known
through the use of different media. On one level, certain kinds of
anniversaries are attempts to transcend the historical discourse. To
replace history with history, discourse with experience.
The noun
“anniversary” is defined, in the Oxford English Dictionary (1983)
as, “The day on which some interesting event is annually celebrated.
ME.2 The celebration which takes place on such a date; orig.
a mass in memory of someone on the day of his death”. There
are three distinct areas defined here. Firstly, a numerical system
by which the beginning, length and division of the year is fixed,
the calendar. Secondly, a historical event, a death, a battle, a
siege, the storming of a prison. Fragments of historical debris
picked out and given a meaning in discourse. Thirdly, a contemporary
event. The event is made up of elements. In the case of Orange
parades, speeches, the route which is taken, the public display of
symbols and regalia, loud band music. These elements combine to form
a language with its own dynamism, function and logic. A language
whose legitimacy lies in its relationship to the written discourse
of history.
The relationship is
not fixed, but shifting. Lord Macaulay’s “History of England”
explains the history of the Siege of Derry (1689) and the Battle of
the Boyne (1690) as acts of great significance. In the history which
is celebrated by the Orange Order, this significance is affirmed.
Macaulay’s history was published originally in 1848 and was last
reprinted in1957 Ian Paisley the Democratic Unionist M.P. and
churchman recently bemoaned, “the 15 volume ‘Oxford History of
England’, a series hailed as ‘the most authoritative general history
of England’ dismisses the event (the siege) in some dozen lines.”
The shifting ground of “authoritative” history enhances the
importance of certain events and diminishes that of others. This is
a disconcerting experience for those groups who celebrate events
whose importance is diminished. This shift undermines the legitimacy
of the act of celebration. On another level, the elements which make
up history may be re-ordered as to change the meaning of the
anniversary from that proposed by the celebrants. The most extreme
example in this context is the statement on the tercentenary issued
by Sinn Fein, the political wing of the Provisional IRA. Their press
officer described the struggle initiated by the 13 apprentice boys
in Derry as “an act of truly revolutionary self-determination which
can only be admired.” These shifting relationships
between contemporaries and fragments of history are fought over to
legitimise the anniversary celebration. The celebration acts to
secure that legitimacy in the public domain.
These celebrations
observed and recorded in numerous photographs by Victor Sloan in
Londonderry on the 12th July 1988, were organised by the
Orange Order to celebrate the victory of King William III of England
at the Battle of the Boyne. The exhibition will take place in 1989,
the tercentenary of the siege of Derry. The relationship between the
Orange Order, the Battle of the Boyne and the Siege of Derry is
problematical. The cause of the problem can be seen in the myths of
the Orange Order. One particular story can serve as an illustration.
During the Siege of Derry, the Jacobite forces shelled the besieged
city from an orchard belonging to a Protestant colonist called
Strong. This historical fact is the opening through which the
meaning of the siege as a contemporary signifier can be seen.
“Strong contributed £1,000 to the (Derry) garrison’s expenses. His
descendent, Sir Norman Strong, in 1980 still held at his house,
Tynan Abbey, County Armagh, two I.O.U.’s for the loan, signed by
Colonel Mitchelburne, and reckoned that with unpaid compound
interest since 1689 they must now be worth some £60 million. In 1981
the IRA broke into Tynan Abbey, murdered Sir Norman and his son, and
burnt the house.” The importance of this story cannot be
underestimated; it appears constantly in the account of the siege.
Firstly, it illustrates the dominant relationship recognized in
Orangeism, that of objective lines of decent and consanguinity. It
is an almost linear relationship; the years can literally be counted
up in terms of compound interest. Secondly, it relates the struggle
of the past directly to that of today.
This conservative
linear history creates a problem for the Orange Order. It demands an
account of the 100 years that lie between the Siege of Derry, the
Battle of the Boyne, the events in which it claims its roots, and
its actual foundation at Armagh on 21st December 1795.
Its very existence as an established order represents a break in the
linear tradition. This break must be repaired by Orange historians.
In 1988 Peter Robinson, Democratic Unionist M.P. for East Belfast
published “Their Cry was ‘No Surrender’ – An account of the siege of
Londonderry.” In it, he talks of the “soul” of history. Ian Paisley,
in his introduction, takes great care to place the book firmly in an
empirical tradition of history, but continued to talk of the
“spirit” that informs it. The “soul” and the “spirit” are the
abstract routes, by which the history of the Orange Order can
transcend the discontinuities apparent in its commanding metaphor of
linear descent.
In 1866 Richard
Lilburn, Editor of the Armagh Guardian and an Orangeman wrote,
“Orangeism; its origin, constitution and objects.” “Orangeism”
becomes the historical glue which welds the events of 1688-89 to the
history of the Orange Order. He explains the events in terms of a
linear series of causes and effects, and the twin oppositions of
Protestant/Catholic: Constitutional monarchy/Absolute monarchy. The
leap is then taken to the establishment of the Orange Order in 1795.
This involves not only a leap in time, but also a leap out of the
recognisable discourse of European history. Lilburn states,
unequivocally, that the causes of the Orders foundation are to be
found in the French Revolution. The French Revolution is not
described in terms in which Thomas Paine or even Edmund Burke could
understand. It is, in fact, “The second great struggle for Popery.”
Exactly the same “Popery that had sought to undermine Protestantism
in 17th century Ireland.
The establishment of
the Orange Order occurs during that period of history when the
oppositions of Lilburn’s historical analysis are being undermined in
both the context of Europe and Ireland. The United Irish slogan
“Ireland will only be free when the last king is strangled with the
guts of the last priest” cuts across those oppositions. Yet it was
through absolute/constitutional monarchy; Catholic/Protestant that
the ruling classes in Ireland had established themselves. Through
the maintenance of those oppositions that they were determined to
keep it.
Resistance to the
ideas of the French Revolution was general throughout Europe. Those
ideas had to be translated into the political language which
pre-dated them. Therefore, in Ireland the effect of those ideas
could not escape the Catholic/Protestant opposition. It was, and is,
the aim of the Orange Order to explain all events in these terms. To
do so, it must diminish the importance of new oppositions thrown up
by discourses other than the religious; bourgeois/aristocratic,
working class/middle class, male/female. Alongside this aim is the
need to continue to order society, not in terms of man’s
relationship to man, but in terms of mans relationship to God. The
Orange Order is a mechanism to achieve those aims. The marching
season, with its climax on July 12th (the twelfth) is a
major part of that mechanism.
There is no carnival
which does not have some element of political import, nor is there
an anniversary parade which does not have some element of carnival.
Carnival is hedonistic; it is about how people enjoy themselves, not
who they are. An anniversary parade is about who people are. The
nature and the strictness of the relationship between these two
elements is revealing. It reveals the political meaning of the
celebration and the contemporary importance of that meaning. An
Orange parade is organised by the local Lodge of the Order. In the
country districts, this allows for considerable flexibility as to
where the march may take place. In Derry and Belfast, the marches
tend to be organised along roughly the same route every year. The
various lodges from a district will raise money to pay for bands
which march along the route. Money is also required for the
traditional dress of the members. A colourful sash, which takes its
form from 17th century dress, is worn over a modern suit
with bowler hat and gloves, which date back to the Edwardian period
when the Orange Order was instrumental in the resistance to Home
Rule. This form of dress could be described as a uniform but
strictly speaking is not. The Orange Order, despite having need of
the symbolic power of a uniform must avoid appearing as a private
army. If it were generally perceived as a private army, it could be
divisive within the Order itself. As importantly, it could provide a
pretext for state intervention into its affairs. The bands march and
the men walk behind large, colourful and attractive banners. These
are another major expense. It is important to realise that the
financial element is in itself symbolic. It symbolizes the wealth
which the Orange Order can muster.
The banners
commemorate significant events or people in the history of the
Order. These latter tend increasingly to be Orangemen who have been
killed as members of the security forces by the IRA. As they are
carried around the walls of Derry, these banners are testament to a
symbolic relationship. The walls today are surmounted by modern
military installations as they have been since 1969. The Greek
revival architecture of the gates has been defaced by barbed wire
erected to prevent grenade attacks on the security forces below.
This barbed wire was erected to protect the police and army from
attack, from the walls. This in itself is indicative of the peculiar
position of the Orange parades as they march around the walls. Derry
is not the same city that held out for so long against the forces of
King James. Then it was a small Protestant planter town. During the
19th century, the industrial revolution drew Catholics
workers into its environs. The 1871 census confirmed the religious
denomination of the town as 11,421 Protestant, 13,821 Catholic.
This bright and
noisy musical parade marches along a route worked out in advance
with the police. The route is symbolic for it is a test of power of
the Orange in manipulating the state. The police have the power to
ban marches. If a Lodge wants to march through a Catholic area, the
test is two-fold. Whose wishes will the state uphold, those of the
marcher or those of the local inhabitants? If the march is allowed
to go ahead, will the local Catholics react? Will they ignore the
invasion of their territory by a large number of well-organised and
noisy Protestants, or will they react noisily or even violently
themselves? The relationship between those celebrating and those not
celebrating is all-important. The defining element of the
relationship is fixed before the parades have begun. The rules of
the Orange Order explicitly prohibit Catholics from becoming
members. Only Orangemen may walk in the parade.
Once the parade has
passed along the route, it arrives at the “Field”. At the “Field”,
the bandsmen and the walkers rest and listen to speeches made by
senior members of the Order, Unionist politicians and Protestant
clergymen. Resolutions are carried. The Londonderry Sentinel
(19/7/89) “Resolutions focus on Loyality, Faith and State.” Loyality
to the British Monarchy, faith in a Protestant God and the coherence
of the Northern Irish state. The element that runs through all the
speeches and resolutions is that the struggle for these values is
the same as that undertaken by King William at the Battle of the
Boyne and the people of Derry throughout the siege.
Thus, the Orange
Order presents itself as it marches around the walls and through the
streets of Derry on July 12th. It is observed by its own
members and by those, it sees as its natural followers. It is
observed by those citizens of Derry who are excluded by religion
from taking part and by those who simply chose not to. Some observe
it with indifference, some avoid it, some ignore it. It is
re-presented by the media, local, national and international. It is
re-presented by artists such as Victor Sloan.
The representations
in the newspapers depends on how those papers view the Orange Order.
The Derry Journal produces two issues a week. During the week of the
Twelfth, it had no photographic coverage of the Orange parades. It
had only two reports concerning the Twelfth. The first was contained
in a historical section entitled “Chronicle and Comment”. This
described the anniversary of Hitler’s move on Danzig. It went on to
relate the events in Derry during the same period. One a speech by a
Protestant clergyman concerning the Protestant falling birthrate,
the other a speech by a Unionist M.P. at the “Field” telling
Orangemen not to employ Catholics. The second report was about
Gregory Campbell, a Democratic Unionist councilor on Derry City
Council. He was speaking to reporters about the meaning of the siege
of Derry and the Battle of the Boyne. He claimed that the events of
1689-90 secured the freedom of Protestant and Catholic alike;
therefore, to celebrate them today should be seen as a threat to no
one.
The other local
newspaper, the Londonderry Sentinel is published once a week. Their
coverage of the Twelfth celebrations was comprehensive. There was a
front-page photograph with a full four inside pages given over to
photographs and reports. The photographs could be placed in four
main categories. “Team photographs” of bands; the progress of the
march; sentimental family groups; Orangemen relaxing after a hard
days marching. A headline bore the message – PROTESTANTS FACE THE
SAME TODAY AS IN 1690.
The national
newspaper coverage of the Twelfth was dependent on the ability to
see the Orange marches as directly and simply part of “the
Troubles”. The possibility of exciting photographs of street
violence was promised at Keady, Co. Armagh. The local Orange Order
district had decided to hold its march in this mainly Catholic town.
Representations had been made by the inhabitants of the town to have
the march re-routed. These had been turned down by the police and
the march was to go ahead. A large number of local and foreign
pressmen descended on the town in anticipation of a good story and
even better pictures. In the event, there was no trouble. Despite a
great deal of press interest, very little actual coverage resulted.
Only the Independent carried a front-page photograph the next day.
An Orangeman lay in an ungainly fashion across the grass at Keady.
These instances of
photographic coverage, or non-coverage, by the press suggest that
only those papers which were editorially at ease with the aims of
the Orange Order could respond using realist representation.
In the Londonderry Sentinel the photography carried several
important messages: the importance of family relationships to the
Order: the organisational strength of the Order, carried in the many
photographs of marching men; the fact that the Twelfth was
enjoyable. None of these were at odds with how the Order would like
to be seen.
The Sentinel’s headlines placed the subjects in a
context both political and social which justified the event. A
reported speech from the “field”, IRA “FASCISTS AND GANGSTERS”. A
general summary of the celebrations – SUNSHINE SWELTERS IN A SEA OF
COLOUR. The London press had a more ambiguous attitude. Initially
expecting comforting pictures of a foreign society in strife,
reassuring the home based readers of their own stability, they were
to be disappointed. No paper save the Independent chose to cover the
parade as “colour”. Since its recent foundation, the Independent has
sought a reputation for stylish photography. The Keady photograph is
undeniably a “good photograph”. It employs the irony and paradox
typical of the Independent when it covers subjects with which it has
an uneasy relationship.
Satirising
the Orange Order’s ideal of the Ulster Protestant, as upstanding,
decent and respectable, with a photograph of a sprawling Orangeman
allowed it to cover the parades without simply projecting the
positive image presented by those parading. Comparing this approach
to the non-coverage of the Derry Journal suggests that it requires a
certain distance from the subject to be acceptable. The pressing and
immediate political importance of the parades in Derry rules out the
ironical approach for those opposed to their meaning. Press
photography is not a plastic media.
Anniversarial
parades present a simple and positive public image of the
celebrants. Realistic press photography offers, with only rare
exceptions, a stark choice between coverage and non-coverage. This
choice is determined by the editorial stance of the media towards
the celebration and celebrants.
The difference
between an artist and a newspaper photographer lies in the process
of production. The news photographer supplies raw material to a
process, which demands photographs that
convey a simple set of meanings in a unified dynamic image. The
images must be produced at high speed.
This speed imposes a uniform process of development controlled by an
agent other than the photographer. The editorial process of
selection is in the hands of a third agent. All three agents are
working within a system defined by the need to produce profit. The
photographic artist works within a system determined by profit but
one in which the effects of this motive are distorted by state
intervention. This distortion allied with the difference in the way
an artist is exploited, and exploits, for profit give the artist
greater freedom and control at all levels of the process. This
freedom is not inherently beneficial nor is it infinite. The danger
is that the products of photographic art can produce a mass of
blinding kaleidoscope images just as unenlightening as the
simplicities of photojournalism. Victor Sloan produces his work by
intervening at every stage of the process of production. He takes a
large number of monochrome 35mm negatives. He then selects those he
will work on. Using a magnifying glass, he works directly on the
negative, scratching it with a pin, painting it with paint or black
ink. This is then printed. He then paints the print with gouache or
watercolour.
Sloan’s technique of
producing images ”writ large” on the photograph immediately draws
comparison with realist photography as a whole, in the gallery as
much as in the press. It is because his subject matter overlaps with
that of the media that his work contrasts with photojournalism. The
striking difference is the level of commitment Victor Sloan has
shown to photographing Orange Parades over a number of years. The
media covers the activities of the Orange Order only when they
correspond to the construction of “the troubles”. The interest at
Keady was indicative of this. The parades as covered by Sloan are
not dependent on an understanding of “the troubles”. He appears to
study the parades as a powerful and important element of Northern
Irish society. The Orange parades, whether in the countryside around
Portadown or within the walls of Derry, are not simple subjects.
Sloan seems to claw his way through a complex process of production
toward an image that convey the meaning of the parades and his
reaction to them. This process has produced a mode of representation
that is equal to the subject. It is equal to the subject because it
does not attempt to be so. The complexity of the finished images
belie any attempt to read them as final or absolute statements.
The excitement of
Victor Sloan’s work lies in the difficulty with which the viewer is
faced in trying, if only for a moment, to produce a single all
embracing statement about it.
In
Derry City, Portadown, in London and beyond, the power of
simplicity, whether as a saleable commodity or a comforting lie is
all pervasive.
In such a world, an artist who attempts to see the
complexities and invites his viewers to do the same is involved in
no
parlour
game, but an act as revolutionary as thirteen young boys shutting a
gate.
James Odling-Smee
 
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